It’s been 10 hours now, since the strongest opposition in Nepal, the Maoists parliamentarians members of constituent assembly physically assaulted the parliamentarians constituent assembly members of the the Democrats “Nepali Congress” and the Leftists “CPN-UML” during an already overdue Budget Session. The Monarchy was overthrown in 2006 and the only institution that remains is the Judiciary.
Category: Maoist’s Terror
Unjust judicial practice of Maoists in Nepal
Fabricated False news against Justice Girish Chandra Lal
I have known Justice Lal since 1993 and based on my personal knoweldge and observation, he is one of the highly ethical justices in the Judiciary.
Fabricating false news, tarnishing his image is really unfortunate for the people’s faith in the Judicial system. Make no mistake that our Judiciary is the only surviving state institution based on the 1990 people’s mandate and remains strong, though the executive and legislative based on popular will ceased to exist long back since dissolution of parliament in 2002. In absence of legislative and executive based on popular will since 2002, the regressive forces are trying to dismantle the last and only valid state institution.
I highly condemn this disgraceful act of the ‘terrorists’, who tend to terrorise the citizens who know less of his contribution to the judical society. Since the initiation of the Legislative Committee hearing on the Justices, a trend seems to have been forced by regressive elements who want to deter the spirit of Independent Judiciary and forcefully impose their own version of judicial control. And this has to end.
I wish Justice Lal successful tenure in the Judiciary, free from baseless-pointless-egoistic political apprehension.
Adcocate Santosh Giri Supreme Court of Nepal Curently in California, United States. Moderator, LawNepal
And yes, lets not forget, The Law is above the King!!!
Referring to Social Contract Theory should give us the foundation for the discussion on Law vs. Politics. Jurisprudence itself stands on the core nexus of law and politics.
Here’s my simple understanding:
Adam and Eve bumped into each other at Eden Garden. Until then, both were sovereign, enjoying the Natural Law. Once they confronted the Poisonous Fruit Tree of Sin, they had to decide a set of norms among themselves, for who shall eat first. The sin fruit soon revealed its colors when Adam and Eve started claim authority over two tract of land bearing Fruit trees. A line had to be drawn to determine their rights and obligations (The Law) and sanctions and parameters (Politics), hence law and politics were born.
Soon more sovereign individuals flocked in and conflict was destined to brew. A greater need of determination of rights, duties, obligations was needed and a social contract of mutual understanding was formed. Hence, individuals gave up their sovereignty for a greater good and agreed upon set of sanctions, enumeration of rights and duties and a sovereign institutional form (a society, a state, a nation) was agreed upon, all based on social contract theory. The law of the land was born.
The Politics (policy) came into play ONLY from the point when one sovereign Adam felt apprehended by another sovereign Eve in terms of ones right to pleasure and to limit the pain one would suffer; thereby agreeing upon norms for the Poisonous Tree (Commandments?). Until then neither Adam nor Eve had acquaintance with politics, policies or sanctions. Hence, Politics is a yolk of Law (the egg) where the fragile rights and duties (the shell) coexist with a carefully balanced greater sovereign with right to sanction (the white). A minor disbalance can crack the egg.
Advocates of Critical Legal Studies confine law within paradigm of politics. Without referring to Kelsen’s Legal Positivism, Hart’s Analytical Positivism, Legal Realism and the Postmodern Utopia, the discussion on law and politics will never be justified.
In re: Nepal’s politico-limbo:
Constitution is a politico-legal document, a political agreement to set the legal parameters for the nation. Nonetheless, it is dynamic (except in Nepal where, the vision-less leaders opt for a new constitution rather than amend the law of the land). Its a pity, our law of the land (your encompassed document!) is malfunctioning in one vital element of the state: the formation of an executive!!!
Or, is what we have is actually the law of the land or a mere political agreement dumped by the rebels to achieve their goals? Is the Interim (!) Constitution merely a political agreement between 8 political parties?
The greatest question is: Whether the interim constitution is derived from a popular will? NO.
Hence, in absence of a popular will, a legislative (Not a Constitution Drafting People’s Assembly), an executive based on the legislative; the state is long over due of its legitimacy!
Since dissolution of parliament in 2002; Nepal has been functioning solely on the shoulders of one state organ, the Judiciary (which has never been tyrannical fortunately). The politics has failed miserably since 2002 (be it democrats, republics, monarchy, hardliners and opportunists).
What kept the sovereignty intact then? No doubt, one state pillar, the Judiciary. And yes, lets not forget, The Law is above the King!!!
जनादेशको विस्तार हुन सक्दैन – भीमार्जुन आचार्य
काठमाडौ, २०६६ पुस ९ – अन्तरिम संविधानले संविधानसभाको कार्यकाल पहिलो बैठक बसेको मितिले दुई वर्षको निर्धारण गरेको छ । संविधानको सिद्धान्त र शास्त्रलाई हेर्दा निश्चित समयावधिको जनादेश जनताले आफ्ना प्रतिनिधिलाई प्रदान गरेको हुन्छ । त्यस्तो जनादेश विस्तार हुन सक्दैन भन्ने संवैधानिक मान्यता हो । त्यो मान्यताबाट हेर्दा दुई वर्षको समयावधि संविधानसभाका लागि अपरिवर्तनीय हुन्छ । त्यसमा एउटामात्र अपवाद छ । संविधान लेख्ने क्रममै मुलुकमा संकटकालको घोषणा भएको अवस्थामा संविधानसभाले आफ्नो कार्यकाल ६ महिनासम्म बढाउन सक्छ । संकटकालका कारण संविधान लेखनमा बाधा पुगेमा यसो गर्न सकिन्छ । तर संविधान लेख्नकै लागि संकटकाल लगाउन सकिने प्रावधान संविधानमा छैन ।
अन्तरिम संविधानको धारा १ सय ४३ मा संकटकालसम्बन्धी व्यवस्था छ । संकटकालीन अधिकार प्रयोग गर्नका लागि तीनवटा व्यवस्थाहरू विद्यमान रहेको हुनुपर्छ । नेपाल राज्यको सार्वभौमसत्तामा संकट आएको हुनुपर्छ । दोस्रो, नेपाल राज्यको अखण्डताको सुरक्षामा खतरा आएको हुनुपर्छ र तेस्रोचाहिँ कुनै भूभागको सुरक्षामा खतरा आएको हुनुपर्छ । यो तीन अवस्थामध्ये कुनै एक अवस्था विद्यमान भयो भने संकटकालीन अधिकारको प्रयोग गर्न सकिन्छ । यी तीन अवस्था विद्यमान हुनका लागि पनि चार कारणहरू संविधानले उल्लेख गरेको छ । युद्ध, बाह्य आक्रमण, सशस्त्र विद्रोह र चरम आर्थिक विशृङखलताका कारणले ती अवस्थाको सिर्जना भएको हुनुपर्छ ।
संविधानसभाले हालसम्म गरेको कामको मूल्याङ्कन गर्दाखेरि ८ विषयत समितिले आफ्नो प्रारम्भिक अवधारणा तयार गरेका छन् । दुईवटा विषयगत समिति र संवैधानिक समितिले प्रारम्भिक अवधारणा निर्माणका काम सम्पन्न गरेको देखिँदैन । यो दृष्टिकोणले हेर्दा संविधान तोकिएको समयमा बन्दैन कि भन्ने अवस्था देखिन्छ । अर्को भनेको राजनीतिक र नियतका कारण हुन् । कतिपय समूहलाई समयमा संविधान नलेखेमा के फरक पर्छ र भन्ने परेको हुनसक्छ ।
दुई-तीनवटा कारण संविधान निर्माण नहुनुमा बलियो जिम्मेवार भएका छन् । राजनीतिक सहमतिको बिग्रँदो अवस्थाले पनि संविधान निर्माणमा बाधा गरिरहेको छ । माओवादीले एकतर्फी रूपमा गरिरहेको संघीय गणराज्यका इकाइहरूको घोषणाले पनि संविधान निर्माणमा बाधा गरिरहेको छ । तेस्रो, संघात्मक राज्यको व्यवस्थापन र त्यसको अन्तरवस्तुमा रहेका विवाद पनि संविधान निर्माणका चुनौतीका रूपमा आएका छन् । बाह्य देश र स्वार्थ समूहको कारण पनि यसमा केही न केही समस्या आएका छन् ।
समयका कारण बाँकी अवधिमा संविधान लेख्न नसकिने अवस्था देखिँदैन । दुई वर्षको अवधिमा संविधान निर्माण भएका धेरै उदाहरणहरू छन् । दक्षिण अपि|mकाको अन्तरिम संविधानमा तोकिएको दुई वर्षको अवधिमा नै -सन् १९९४-९६) संविधान बनेको थियो । त्यसैले हामीकहाँ पनि समयमा संविधान लेख्न सकिँदैन भन्ने होइन । यसमा दलहरू, संविधानसभा र राज्यका अन्य निकाय वा पदाधिकारी कति जिम्मेवार र इमानदार बन्छन् भन्ने हो । संविधानसभाले समयमा संविधान लेख्न सकेन भने यसको वैधतामाथि प्रश्न उठ्नेछ । एकथरी विचार आएजस्तो संविधानसभाले संविधान लेखेन भने राज्यका सबै निकायहरू भंग हुने, राष्ट्रपतिमा सबै अधिकार निहित हुने भन्ने खालको तर्कलाई मान्न सकिँदैन । त्यस खालको प्रावधान संविधानमा छैन ।
संविधानसभाको कार्यकाल दुई वर्षको किटानी व्यवस्था भएको हुनाले जनादेशको विस्तार हुन सक्दैन भन्ने सैद्धान्तिक मान्यता हो । संविधान नलेखिएको अवस्थामा स्वाभाविक संवैधानिक र राजनीतिक संकट उत्पन्न हुनेछ । मुलुकका सबै निकाय भंग हुने परिकल्पना गर्न सकिँदैन ।
संवैधानिक संकट ल्याएर संविधानसभा नै विघटन गर्न खोजियो भने त्यससँग जोडिएका अन्य निकायहरूको वैधतामा प्रश्न आउँछ । नेपाल एउटा जटिल मोडमा छ । त्यसैले जनादेश र संविधानको म्यान्डेटलाई हामी इमानदारीका साथ पालना गर्न चाहन्छौं भने तोकिएको समयावधिभित्र संविधान लेख्नुको अरू कुनै विकल्प छैन । यो अन्तिम र अपरिवर्तनीय विकल्प हो भनेर दलहरू अगाडि बढ्नुपर्छ । त्यसो गर्नु सबैका लागि बुद्धिमानी हुनेछ ।
हुन त संविधानसभाको विश्व अभ्यासमा संविधानसभाले आफ्नो कार्यकाल आफंैले बढाएका उदाहरण पनि छन् । जस्तो बोलेभियामा एक वर्षको अवधि नपुगेर अर्को वर्ष थप गरिएको थियो । तर तोकिएको कार्यकालभित्र काम नसकिएर समय थपिएका उदाहरणलाई हेर्नुभयो भने त्यसलाई राम्रो परिणाम दिएको छैन । त्यसैले यो राम्रो अभ्यास होइन । समय थप गरिएका मुलुकमा संविधानसभा नै असफल भएका उदाहरण पनि छन् । बोलेभियामा नै एक वर्षका लागि समय थपिएको -सन् २००६ )मा अहिलेसम्म संविधान बन्नसकेको छैन । दुनियाँका खराब अभ्यासलाई नजिर बनाउन हुँदैन भन्ने हाम्रो आग्रह छ । तोकिएको समयमा संविधान बनाएका देशमा नै संविधानसभाले राम्रो व्यवस्थापन गरेका छन् ।
संविधासभा भंग भएको अवस्थामा राष्ट्रपति सर्वोपरी हुने परिपकल्पना गरिएको छैन । अहिलेको संविधानअनुसार त राष्ट्रपति केवल औपचारिक व्यक्तिमात्र हुन् । उनमा कुनै पनि प्रकारका सक्रिय अधिकार छैनन् । त्यसैले संविधानसभाको विघटन भएमा के हुने भन्ने अन्योल संविधानमा छ, त्यो कुरा साँचो हो । त्यसबाट ठूलो संवैधानिक र राजनीतिक संकट आउँछ । संविधानसभा विघटन भएमा तत्पश्चातको अधिकार कसमा जाने भन्ने व्यवस्था अहिलेको संविधानमा छैन ।
समयसीमा भित्र संविधान पनि लेखिएन भने संविधानसभाले संविधानको पालना नगरेको र धोका दिएको ठहरिन्छ । तर यसबाट यो संविधान नै समाप्त हुने भन्ने हुँदैन । संविधानको जुन धारा प्रयोग हुँदैन, त्यही धारा मात्र निष्त्रिmय हुन्छ । पूरै संविधान नै निष्त्रिmय हुने र मृत हुने भन्ने अवधारणा हुँदैन ।
संविधानसभाको कार्यकाल समाप्त भयो, यो संविधानसभा अन्तर्गतका अन्य निकायहरू विघटन भए भने त्यो अख्तियारी कसले प्रयोग गर्ने भन्ने संविधानमा उल्लेख छैन । त्यो अधिकार राष्ट्रपतिमा जान्छ भन्ने तर्क गर्न सकिँदैन । संविधानसभा विघटन भएको अवस्थामा पनि नयाँ संविधान नआएसम्मका लागि राष्ट्रपति जीवित रहने भएकाले त्यो संस्थाचाहिँ कायम रहन्छ । तर राज्यको कार्यकारी अधिकार प्रयोग कसले गर्ने भन्नेचाहिँ संविधानमा उल्लेख छैन । प्रधानमन्त्री पनि संविधानसभाको
सैद्धान्तिक रूपमा संविधान संशोधन गरेर समयावधि थप्ने भन्ने कुरा मिल्दैन । दुई वर्षको यो अपरिवर्तनीय व्यवस्था हो । अगाडि नै संविधान लेखियो भने विघटन हुनसक्छ । समयावधि पनि सकियो, संकटकालीन अवस्थाले संविधान लेख्न नसकिएको पनि होइन, समयावधि पनि थपिएन भने त यसको समाप्ति भएको तर्क गर्न सकिएला । तर धारा १४८ बमोजिम संविधान संशोधन गरी कार्यकाल तलमाथि गरे भने के हुने भन्ने प्रश्नचाहिँ अनुत्तरित छ । यो भोलि कानुन र अदालती व्याख्याको प्रश्न हुनसक्छ ।
(अधिवक्ता आचार्यसँग राजेन्द्र फुयालले गरेको कुराकानीमा आधारित)
http://www.ekantipur.com/np/news/news-detail.php?news_id=304018
Human rights double standards in Nepal
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DAMAKANT JAYSHI // //
Both Maina Sunar and Ram Hari Shrestha were kidnapped, tortured and murdered in custody. The 15-year-old died instantly in the Paanchkhal barracks of the Nepal Army (formerly RNA) in Kavre district in February 2004; businessman Shrestha was severely tortured by Maoist army’s Third Division commander Kali Bahadur Kham and four of his colleagues inside their Shaktikhor cantonment, Chitwan, in April last year. Continue reading “Human rights double standards in Nepal” |
Arresting offenders in Rukum (Journalist attacked by the Maoists)
| A week after the deadly attack, journalist Tika Bista is still in a hospital bed and her attackers roam free. Bista´s only crime was pursuing the journalism of courage in remote Rukum. Circumstantial evidence suggests that she was attacked by Maoist cadres after she wrote an article in a local newspaper criticizing them. This shows how Nepali journalists, especially those working outside the capital, are still vulnerable to physical assault. Continue reading “Arresting offenders in Rukum (Journalist attacked by the Maoists)” |
PERSECUTION DURING ELECTIONS in Nepal
DISTRICTS PERSECUTION DURING ELECTIONS
Sarlahi Independent Candidate shot dead
Sunsari NC cadre shot dead, 7 injured
Lalitpur Young Communist League captures booth
Lalitpur YCL abducts voters
Rautahat 15 voters injured by maoists
Bajhang Maoists attack UML members
Dhanusha Maoists fire at NC leader
Arghakhachi Maoists torch ballot boxed and booth
Gorkha Maoist capture all booths
Sindhupalchowk Maoists capture all booths
Mahottari Maoists kills one and 2 injured
Ramechhap YCL captures booth
Sindhupalchowk YCL attacks RPP chairman
Nawalparasi Voting ends due to fear
Sunsari Election commission employees abducted
Dhanusha Independent candidate shot dead
Dang Maoists attask ex-minister, 7 maoists killed
Baglung Maoists attack UML cadres
Chitwan 4 maoists arrested with sharp weapons
Rupandehi Maoists arrested with weapons
Kavrepalanchowk Maoist take pictures of voters and threat
Rautahat 3 injured in bomb blast
Rukum 6 NC members attacked
Surkhet Candidate murdered
Butwal 31 armed YCL men arrested
Mahottari Polls suspended
Siraha Polls suspended
Sarlahi Polls suspended
Chitwan Polls suspended
Dolakha Booth captured
TOTAL VOTERS TURN OUT = 50 TO 60% NATIONWIDE
FREE POLLS IN NEPAL?
THIS IS WHAT THE POLL DAY NEWS LOOKS LIKE…
MAOIST’S TERRORISM VIOLATING THE ELECTION CODE OF CONDUCT
| MAOIST’S TERRORISM VIOLATING THE ELECTION CODE OF CONDUCT | |||
| March 03, 2008 till March 18, 2008 | |||
| DATES | INCIDENT | VICTIM | DISTRICTS |
| 3-Mar | JTMM Bombing | Nepali Congress Party | Banke |
| 6-Mar | YCL Thrashes | Innocent woman | Sankhuwasabha |
| 7-Mar | JTMM sets fire to vehicle | Press-Kantipur Publications | Saptari |
| 8-Mar | CPNM attacks Police Post | Security Agency | Rasuwa |
| CPNM obstructs party leader | Rastriya Prajatantra Party RPP | Sindhupalchowk | |
| Terai Liberation Front abducts candidate | Jana Morcha Party | Kapilbastu | |
| Akhil Terai Mukti Morcha sets fire to a vehicle | Press-Kantipur Publications | Saptari | |
| 9-Mar | CPNM harasses poll campaigns | Other parties | Dadeldhura |
| CPNM abducts party members | United Marxist Leninist | Manang | |
| 12-Mar | CPNM attack party members | United Marxist Leninist | Ramechap |
| 13-Mar | JTMM (J) kills one | Civilians | Bara |
| 14-Mar | YCL abducts candidate | Nepali Congress Party | Surkhet |
| 15-Mar | YCL threatens to kill party members | Nepali Congress Party | Rukum |
| YCL warns public not to support others | Civilians | Rukum | |
| YCL beats party members | United Marxist Leninist | Kaski | |
| CPNM beats party members | Nepal Workers and Peasents Party | Bhaktapur | |
| 16-Mar | CPNM shoots a party member | Nepali Congress Party | Okhaldhunga |
| CPNM manhandles party members | Nepali Congress Party | Gorkha | |
| 4000 CPNM soldiers desert camps | Civilians | Nationwide | |
| 18-Mar | CPNm displaces a family | Civilians | Kalikot |
Article Published in ‘JURIST’
Nepal in transition: abolishing the monarchy
Santosh Giri [advocate/human rights lawyer, Supreme Court of Nepal]: “The abolition of Nepal’s nearly 240-year-old monarchy and declaration of Nepal as a “federal, democratic, republican state” was made by an overwhelming majority in the interim parliament late last month. 270 members in the 329-member House of Representatives voted on December 27, 2007 in favor of ending the monarchy (3 pro-monarchists cast against the motion while the rest abstained). However, Nepal will become a republic only after the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which is due to be elected by mid-April next year. The decision also serves to put the peace process back on track and paves the way for elections notwithstanding the fact that elections have been postponed three times since June 2006. Constituent Assembly seats has been increased from 497 to 601, of which 335 (58%) will be elected on the basis of proportional representation, with 240 to be directly elected and 26 to be nominated by the country’s cabinet.
The need for truce
Amidst present chaos and ongoing agitation, theres nothing as important as peace, truce, talks and a broad consenses among all including the king, parties, maoists and above all the supreme people of the himalayan kingdom of Nepal.
All these years, the people were neglected by the king, by the parties and of course by the maoists 'the so called peoples war'. People, the Nepalese were dominated, supressed, exploited and exploited at every point of our history.
take for instance the divide and rule theory of king jayasthiti malla in ancient nepal who adopted the caste system from india and forced it on the nepali society. Ever since, we can definetely say, people were exploited by the state. Then comes the unification of nepal phase where, the people were once again disregarded in the course of national integrity. The principalities were adjoined to forma new nation but the ongoing tradition of difference between different state's cultural practices were abruptly dropped. people were forced to follow the 'one' religion of hinduism.
Likewise the 104 years of Rana regime is the worst phase in the history of Nepalese people exploitation. People were treated as 'things' and slavery fostered . Education for normal people was considered as a crime and even severely punished.
the 1950 movement of democracy was a matter of india's interest alongside some leaders of some leading parties already exiled in india. Even the king had been exiled by then. The people who had been following a 'slavery' life were not in a place o deciede for themselves. Education, literacy and awareness was the at the least . A handful of leaders, expressed their views as the people's view and stared a 10 year unsuccessful rule of democracy which was indeed a 'partycracy'.
The failure of partycracy resulted in yet another opperessing regime of the then king mahendra. people, by now were denied straightaway from fundamental human rights. Life standard of normal people was degrading everyday. the gap between the poor and the rich was widening every day in the veil of beaureacratic corruption protected by the state.
The 1990 movement was finally declared as a full democracy by again a handfull leaders. Within years, corruption by these parties crossed limites. The ill political practice of Bihar and uttar pradesh of India was adopted and ratified by our leaders, reasulting in failure of elected popular will four times in a matter of ten years. Dissolution of parliament and mid-term election had become a regular threat and a last resort whenever a party's leadership government was at stake. During this time, leaders and parliamentarians were even bargained as poultry animals in order to pass a vote of non-confidence against a ruling party. people, at this time, were never subject to a primary concern.
this led finally to a failure of he parliamentary system as the maoists waged war against the uling party. it must be noted that the 'people's war' was targetted against the ruling party and not the then king! In 2002 when the parliament was dissolved, this led to series of hide and seek between different parties in terms of heading the government.
LawNepal ~ The Law is above the King ! 
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